The Philippine middle class
Thursday, July 09, 2015
By ARNOLD P. ALAMON
WRAPPED IN GREY
THERE used to be a time when the big questions on what is it that ails Philippine society were the subject of passionate debate and study in the country's universities and public institutions.
Today, the general disposition of those in government and the academe is that of being seriously stumped, still grappling at straws for clear and definitive answers. In the last decades or so, the official response to poverty and social unrest has merely retraced the approach of our colonial masters and their undying economic interest courtesy of their minions from the local elite. There has been no significant change in the approach toward governance and there remains a lack of vision on how to resolve the deep-rooted problems that plague us as a nation.
Even as nations around us have been brought to the necessity of soul-searching as the tenability of the global economic order built on predatory, not to mention ecologically unsustainable practices has been put in question, our government remain loyal third world patrons of foreign debt, privatization policies, and austerity measures.
We are constantly waylaid by the capriciousness of our elite and their penchant to suck public coffers dry in a sick game of revolving corrupt leadership we call democratic elections.
Meanwhile, generations of Filipinos are placed in the economic grinder of exploited labor through contractual and overseas work, and rural landlessness.
The recent study undertaken by Albert, Gaspar and Raymundo, researchers from the Philippine Institute for Development Studies, a Neda-affiliated GOCC, on the Philippine middle class published in an online news site bring to mind the serious debates on the nature of the Philippine economy of long ago, specifically on the Philippine middle class and their distribution throughout the country.
Culling from the 2012 Family Income and Expenditure Survey, the highlight of the study reveals the extreme inequalities that persist among households in the country. The poor and lower income classes, according to them, comprise more than half the households in the country and they merely have a quarter share of total household income. Whereas, the richest 1.5 percent of households have more than a tenth of total household income.
These figures are good indicators of the wide gap between and among the poor and rich households in the country and may actually represent conservative measures.
In reality, given the tendency of government to liberally define the poverty threshold, the social schism may actually be wider and more acute. Household income becomes a nebulous concept especially when the income of landlords, politicians, oligarchs, and taipans are measured.
The same study also locates the middle income to the upper, high income, and rich households in the urban centers of the country while most of the poor and low income can be found in the rural areas. More than half of the Philippine middle and rich households are found at the National Capital Region, Calabarzon Region, and Central Luzon. The poor to the lower middle income households, on the other hand, mostly reside in the rural areas.
What these figures represent is the concentration of wealth and power to certain households mostly found near and within the nation’s capital. It can be surmised that the richest 1.5 percent of the country enjoying a tenth of the total household income are the favored sons and daughters of a social system skewed to generate privileges for their kind. And what role do the Philippine middle class, who comprise a fifth of the nation’s households, play under such a system.
Are they a politically independent class arising from a strong manufacturing sector or are they the educated agents who serve the same oligarchic and landed elite for their diversified interests in a semi-feudal economy? There is further need to investigate what the nature of the Philippine middle class is.
Temario Rivera in his work on “Landlords and Capitalists” (1993) traced the nation’s underdevelopment to the landlord class’ hijack of the import substitution process during that crucial moment of the economy’s development.
With interests within the bounds of agricultural production for export and the manufacturing processed goods, the result was the stunted evolution of the economy. It is a thesis that resonates not just in the political sphere with the national leadership always beholden to their interests but also in the social sphere where the middle class are quick to come to the defense of their oligarch patrons.
A fifth of the national households supposedly come from the middle class, earning between P31,560 to P78,900 per month, if the study is to be believed. They are the educated and have the means to initiate wide-ranging social reforms. But it is not a surprise why, instead of being the initiators of change, they are the biggest obstacle to it.
Thursday, July 09, 2015
By ARNOLD P. ALAMON
WRAPPED IN GREY
THERE used to be a time when the big questions on what is it that ails Philippine society were the subject of passionate debate and study in the country's universities and public institutions.
Today, the general disposition of those in government and the academe is that of being seriously stumped, still grappling at straws for clear and definitive answers. In the last decades or so, the official response to poverty and social unrest has merely retraced the approach of our colonial masters and their undying economic interest courtesy of their minions from the local elite. There has been no significant change in the approach toward governance and there remains a lack of vision on how to resolve the deep-rooted problems that plague us as a nation.
Even as nations around us have been brought to the necessity of soul-searching as the tenability of the global economic order built on predatory, not to mention ecologically unsustainable practices has been put in question, our government remain loyal third world patrons of foreign debt, privatization policies, and austerity measures.
We are constantly waylaid by the capriciousness of our elite and their penchant to suck public coffers dry in a sick game of revolving corrupt leadership we call democratic elections.
Meanwhile, generations of Filipinos are placed in the economic grinder of exploited labor through contractual and overseas work, and rural landlessness.
The recent study undertaken by Albert, Gaspar and Raymundo, researchers from the Philippine Institute for Development Studies, a Neda-affiliated GOCC, on the Philippine middle class published in an online news site bring to mind the serious debates on the nature of the Philippine economy of long ago, specifically on the Philippine middle class and their distribution throughout the country.
Culling from the 2012 Family Income and Expenditure Survey, the highlight of the study reveals the extreme inequalities that persist among households in the country. The poor and lower income classes, according to them, comprise more than half the households in the country and they merely have a quarter share of total household income. Whereas, the richest 1.5 percent of households have more than a tenth of total household income.
These figures are good indicators of the wide gap between and among the poor and rich households in the country and may actually represent conservative measures.
In reality, given the tendency of government to liberally define the poverty threshold, the social schism may actually be wider and more acute. Household income becomes a nebulous concept especially when the income of landlords, politicians, oligarchs, and taipans are measured.
The same study also locates the middle income to the upper, high income, and rich households in the urban centers of the country while most of the poor and low income can be found in the rural areas. More than half of the Philippine middle and rich households are found at the National Capital Region, Calabarzon Region, and Central Luzon. The poor to the lower middle income households, on the other hand, mostly reside in the rural areas.
What these figures represent is the concentration of wealth and power to certain households mostly found near and within the nation’s capital. It can be surmised that the richest 1.5 percent of the country enjoying a tenth of the total household income are the favored sons and daughters of a social system skewed to generate privileges for their kind. And what role do the Philippine middle class, who comprise a fifth of the nation’s households, play under such a system.
Are they a politically independent class arising from a strong manufacturing sector or are they the educated agents who serve the same oligarchic and landed elite for their diversified interests in a semi-feudal economy? There is further need to investigate what the nature of the Philippine middle class is.
Temario Rivera in his work on “Landlords and Capitalists” (1993) traced the nation’s underdevelopment to the landlord class’ hijack of the import substitution process during that crucial moment of the economy’s development.
With interests within the bounds of agricultural production for export and the manufacturing processed goods, the result was the stunted evolution of the economy. It is a thesis that resonates not just in the political sphere with the national leadership always beholden to their interests but also in the social sphere where the middle class are quick to come to the defense of their oligarch patrons.
A fifth of the national households supposedly come from the middle class, earning between P31,560 to P78,900 per month, if the study is to be believed. They are the educated and have the means to initiate wide-ranging social reforms. But it is not a surprise why, instead of being the initiators of change, they are the biggest obstacle to it.
Ghost of Same-sex Marriage
Wednesday, July 08, 2015
By PERCI CENDAÑA
"SAME-SEX marriage will corrupt the youth."
This is probably the most often cited argument against marriage equality second only to "it will destroy the foundation and moral fabric of society". The youth has been and is still being used as a justification against granting to lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) people the same rights, protection and privileges under the ambit of the law that married heterosexual couples enjoy. Time and again marriage equality is being painted as a threat to the well-being of young people like a plague or a curse.
But how can marriage equality corrupt the young?
Those who oppose it would assert that marriage equality will give the wrong impression to young people that it's acceptable under the eyes of the law for two people of the same sex to be in a relationship. They would even suggest that it would blatantly promote homosexuality and make young people gay or lesbian. Those who say these have a very strong bias against LGBT people and their sentiments are framed and motivated by lack of understanding at the very least or at worst, prejudice.
Homophobia is generally defined as the hatred of homosexuals. It encompasses a wide range of negative attitudes and feelings toward gays and lesbians which could take the form of hostility and violence. Some say they are not against LGBT people in general and that they are just against same-sex marriage. In the course of attacking marriage equality, homophobia is reinforced as those objecting to it are in effect saying that the love that LGBT couples share is not valid and meaningful. Furthermore, the sexuality and gender identity of LGBT people are negated and depicted as abnormal, unacceptable and immoral.
It is homophobia that corrupts the young.
Those campaigning and mobilizing against marriage equality are not only hurting LGBT people, they are also sending a wrong signal to the youth because their actions result in aggravating stigma and discrimination. They are in effect setting a bad example as they discourage tolerance and acceptance.
Marriage equality will make more young people LGBT is so not true.
This fear is totally unfounded as sexual orientation, gender identity and expression (SOGIE) involve complex personal preferences and lived experiences. These are also mediated by many factors far and beyond the perceived influence of a public policy like marriage equality. What it would do instead is to make it easier for young LGBTs to come out and accept themselves. It will greatly help in reducing the feeling of insecurity, inadequacy and low self-esteem. For the non-LGBT youth, it would promote the acceptance of their LGBT peers. It would engender respect for diversity towards a society free from discrimination and inequalities, a society with a higher level of well-being for everyone.
Last June 26, 2015, the United States became the 21st country in the world to have a national law granting legal recognition to same-sex marriages. Even if Facebook timelines of Filipinos were flooded with rainbow-washed profile pictures following the landmark decision of the Supreme of the United States upholding marriage equality, it will still take time for the Philippines to catch on. A recent survey by the Social Weather Stations revealed that 4 out of 5 Filipinos are not in favor of legalizing same-sex marriage in the country. But 9 out of 10 support anti-discrimination measures to protect and uphold the rights Filipino LGBTs. In the meantime, curbing discrimination on the basis of SOGIE is on top of the LGBT rights agenda.
Time to drive away the ghosts of stigma and discrimination.
Wednesday, July 08, 2015
By PERCI CENDAÑA
"SAME-SEX marriage will corrupt the youth."
This is probably the most often cited argument against marriage equality second only to "it will destroy the foundation and moral fabric of society". The youth has been and is still being used as a justification against granting to lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) people the same rights, protection and privileges under the ambit of the law that married heterosexual couples enjoy. Time and again marriage equality is being painted as a threat to the well-being of young people like a plague or a curse.
But how can marriage equality corrupt the young?
Those who oppose it would assert that marriage equality will give the wrong impression to young people that it's acceptable under the eyes of the law for two people of the same sex to be in a relationship. They would even suggest that it would blatantly promote homosexuality and make young people gay or lesbian. Those who say these have a very strong bias against LGBT people and their sentiments are framed and motivated by lack of understanding at the very least or at worst, prejudice.
Homophobia is generally defined as the hatred of homosexuals. It encompasses a wide range of negative attitudes and feelings toward gays and lesbians which could take the form of hostility and violence. Some say they are not against LGBT people in general and that they are just against same-sex marriage. In the course of attacking marriage equality, homophobia is reinforced as those objecting to it are in effect saying that the love that LGBT couples share is not valid and meaningful. Furthermore, the sexuality and gender identity of LGBT people are negated and depicted as abnormal, unacceptable and immoral.
It is homophobia that corrupts the young.
Those campaigning and mobilizing against marriage equality are not only hurting LGBT people, they are also sending a wrong signal to the youth because their actions result in aggravating stigma and discrimination. They are in effect setting a bad example as they discourage tolerance and acceptance.
Marriage equality will make more young people LGBT is so not true.
This fear is totally unfounded as sexual orientation, gender identity and expression (SOGIE) involve complex personal preferences and lived experiences. These are also mediated by many factors far and beyond the perceived influence of a public policy like marriage equality. What it would do instead is to make it easier for young LGBTs to come out and accept themselves. It will greatly help in reducing the feeling of insecurity, inadequacy and low self-esteem. For the non-LGBT youth, it would promote the acceptance of their LGBT peers. It would engender respect for diversity towards a society free from discrimination and inequalities, a society with a higher level of well-being for everyone.
Last June 26, 2015, the United States became the 21st country in the world to have a national law granting legal recognition to same-sex marriages. Even if Facebook timelines of Filipinos were flooded with rainbow-washed profile pictures following the landmark decision of the Supreme of the United States upholding marriage equality, it will still take time for the Philippines to catch on. A recent survey by the Social Weather Stations revealed that 4 out of 5 Filipinos are not in favor of legalizing same-sex marriage in the country. But 9 out of 10 support anti-discrimination measures to protect and uphold the rights Filipino LGBTs. In the meantime, curbing discrimination on the basis of SOGIE is on top of the LGBT rights agenda.
Time to drive away the ghosts of stigma and discrimination.
Being thankful
Thursday, July 09, 2015
By STELLA A. ESTREMERA
SPIDER’S WEB
OUR days have been defined by patience as we see every so often "This webpage is not available" or "Unable to connect to the Internet" on our computer monitors.
Yes, internet speed sucks and sucks so bad, it can drive a saint to rant. I'm no saint nor do I aspire to be, but I don't rant. That is because I have long recognized its futility.
There is enough stress from legitimate sources to share around, stressing over a slow Internet is something not worth an increase of even a single millimeter of mercury (that's the unit of blood pressure rise).
I could say I've seen that notification more than a hundred times today, how does an editor whose life is so connected to the connected world deal with that? Simple, I just imagine myself being in the path of Typhoon Falcon. Better a slow and dying or dead internet than being at a risk of death, destruction, waterlessness, helplessness and yes, no internet.
I've been in this profession for ages; I know that speed is relative. We thought telegram was fast. We would count our words individually, unlike the tweets that count our characters for us. We would also line up for that one single telephone booth serving a whole town for the "press call collect." We always thought that was fast.
We typed and retyped, we sent typewriters flying. Then we bring this over to the typist for her to type into the IBM machine with that daisy wheel. We thought the daisy wheel printed fast.
We then moved on to our first ever computers - those with huge floppy disks to boot and reboot and then another floppy disk to run programs, one floppy disk each. One for Wordstar, one for Lotus, one for Microstat. I used them all. I thought that was fast.
We had an Apple desktop for the desktop printing running on Aldus Pagemaker then later Ventura Pagemaker and the Coreldraw where you had to press the mouse all the time when you are doing something on your file. We thought that was fast, and we never complained about our stiff index finger.
Then suddenly took a fast turn, as programs upon programs were upgrading every year, going faster and faster, we laughed at how we were so proud to have a zipdrive before that can store 250 mb of files. We thought we were the coolest, then, we thought that was huge.
Now, kids have access to storage space in terabytes, and some are even complaining about how limited these are as they collect more and more files to fill up their hard drives.
There is that impetus to collect, even the unnecessary, because there is so much space. There is that push to make us crave for more and more. Of course, we have to be pushed because the manufacturers have to sell, they cannot allow us to be happy with our floppy disks and awesome 100mb zips.
But wait... we were happy then, so why can't we be now? Thus, when made to see that dinosaur on Google Chrome again announcing that the Internet is not available, I simply press the space bar and play the Dinosaur run. I've getting good at it too. I'm now nearing the 1,000 mark when before I can barely reach 200 points.
Thursday, July 09, 2015
By STELLA A. ESTREMERA
SPIDER’S WEB
OUR days have been defined by patience as we see every so often "This webpage is not available" or "Unable to connect to the Internet" on our computer monitors.
Yes, internet speed sucks and sucks so bad, it can drive a saint to rant. I'm no saint nor do I aspire to be, but I don't rant. That is because I have long recognized its futility.
There is enough stress from legitimate sources to share around, stressing over a slow Internet is something not worth an increase of even a single millimeter of mercury (that's the unit of blood pressure rise).
I could say I've seen that notification more than a hundred times today, how does an editor whose life is so connected to the connected world deal with that? Simple, I just imagine myself being in the path of Typhoon Falcon. Better a slow and dying or dead internet than being at a risk of death, destruction, waterlessness, helplessness and yes, no internet.
I've been in this profession for ages; I know that speed is relative. We thought telegram was fast. We would count our words individually, unlike the tweets that count our characters for us. We would also line up for that one single telephone booth serving a whole town for the "press call collect." We always thought that was fast.
We typed and retyped, we sent typewriters flying. Then we bring this over to the typist for her to type into the IBM machine with that daisy wheel. We thought the daisy wheel printed fast.
We then moved on to our first ever computers - those with huge floppy disks to boot and reboot and then another floppy disk to run programs, one floppy disk each. One for Wordstar, one for Lotus, one for Microstat. I used them all. I thought that was fast.
We had an Apple desktop for the desktop printing running on Aldus Pagemaker then later Ventura Pagemaker and the Coreldraw where you had to press the mouse all the time when you are doing something on your file. We thought that was fast, and we never complained about our stiff index finger.
Then suddenly took a fast turn, as programs upon programs were upgrading every year, going faster and faster, we laughed at how we were so proud to have a zipdrive before that can store 250 mb of files. We thought we were the coolest, then, we thought that was huge.
Now, kids have access to storage space in terabytes, and some are even complaining about how limited these are as they collect more and more files to fill up their hard drives.
There is that impetus to collect, even the unnecessary, because there is so much space. There is that push to make us crave for more and more. Of course, we have to be pushed because the manufacturers have to sell, they cannot allow us to be happy with our floppy disks and awesome 100mb zips.
But wait... we were happy then, so why can't we be now? Thus, when made to see that dinosaur on Google Chrome again announcing that the Internet is not available, I simply press the space bar and play the Dinosaur run. I've getting good at it too. I'm now nearing the 1,000 mark when before I can barely reach 200 points.
EDITORIAL - Cebu’s 2.7M votes worth more than thanks (The Freeman) | Updated January 8, 2016 - 12:00amThe number of registered voters in Cebu has risen from 2.5 million for the 2013 midterm elections to 2.7 million for the coming May 2016 presidential polls, further entrenching it at the number one spot nationwide for most number of voters. At far second is the province of Cavite with 1.8 million registered voters, closely followed by Pangasinan at third with 1.7 million voters.
This is the reason why Cebu gets frequent visits by politicians seeking national positions during every national election. A big win by any national politician in Cebu is certain to vastly improve that politician's chances in the national overall tally. Just try to imagine a politician winning even just one out of every two registered Cebuano voters. That already translates to more than a million votes to his name.
The best, if controversial, example of the so-called Cebu insurance was the win in Cebu, way back in 2004, of Gloria Macapagal Arroyo over Fernando Poe Jr. by over a million votes. It was precisely this number that she needed to prevail over the challenge posed by the late actor. If Arroyo lost in Cebu by a million votes in that election, history would have been different for all Filipinos.
The outcome became controversial when allegations that Arroyo cheated Poe in Cebu surfaced after all the votes were counted nationwide, allegations that Poe's adopted daughter Grace continues to pander to this day. The allegations, however, were preposterous and thus never proven. In fact, they could never be proven because no such cheating occurred. The allegations were simply woven out of thin air to soothe the hurt felt by poor losers.
But for as long as Cebu will remain to be the most vote-rich province in the country, it will never see an end to such kinds of allegations. For it is truly a big blow to any national candidate's chances to lose badly in Cebu. A pond teeming with 2.7 million fish to catch is a pond no candidate would wish to arrive late at. That is why even now, long before the official campaign period has started, the early birds are being true to form. They are coming and coming back early.
But while Cebu offers so much to candidates, it might be worthwhile to ask what the candidates might do for Cebu in return, in case they win on account of the Cebu vote. In fairness to Arroyo, who did not have to cheat in Cebu because she had all the officials from congressmen to governor to mayor down to barangay councilor under her wing, she truly showed her appreciation by pouring a lot of projects into the province.
Freeman ( Article MRec ), pagematch: 1, sectionmatch:The present administration, which also won in Cebu, has not similarly reciprocated, which brings us back to the question -- what can the national candidates do for Cebu and the Cebuanos in exchange for their confidence as expressed in their 2.7 million votes. Will it be a mere thank you or must the gratitude be expressed in more concrete terms beneficial to the well-being and further development of the province? This is the question to ask all national candidates courting Cebu's vote.